Acting EPA Administration Andrew Wheeler has done a phenomenal job balancing protecting the environment and abiding by his constitutional obligations, all while preserving free market principles He will no doubt add to that legacy as full-time Administrator. Acting Administrator Wheeler recognizes that Washington bureaucrats do not know what’s best for America’s businesses, and does not try to run their companies. Instead, he gives the private sector the flexibility it needs to efficiently lower emissions and find the most cost-effective way to help the environment. He also understands that property rights are fundamental to our liberty and that government agencies have no business regulating our backyards.

As the administrator of the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA), Neomi Rao was charged with overseeing the implementation of government policies and reviewing draft regulations. This experience makes her uniquely qualified to assess the constitutionality of government regulations. Rao also founded the Center for the Study of the Administrative State at the Antonin Scalia Law School. There is perhaps no judicial nominee better positioned to reign in the excesses of the federal bureaucracy. Given this history, Neomi Rao is a fantastic pick and will carry on Brett Kavanaugh’s legacy on the D.C. Circuit of reigning in the excesses of the administrative state. She was already leading the way on regulatory reform as the head of OIRA facilitating billions in reduced regulatory economic burdens over the last two years. Now she has the opportunity to do so from the bench and set precedents that cannot be easily undone by future administrations.

The “Green New Deal” resolution seeks to transition America’s mostly free market economy into a socialist economy, bordering on full-fledged communism. The so-called “Green New Deal” is not grounded in any sense of reality. By one unofficial estimate, the resolution’s goals of government-run healthcare, a complete transition to renewable energy, “free” college for all, and universal basic income would cost $6.6 trillion annually, or 31 percent of projected gross domestic product (GDP) for 2019. To put this into perspective, the Congressional Budget Office projects that federal spending in 2019 will total $4.4 trillion, or 20.8 percent of GDP. This unofficial estimate does not include retrofitting or rebuilding every single building in the United States, a high-speed rail system that promises to make air travel unnecessary while ignoring the existence of oceans (sorry, Hawaii), increased subsidies for electric vehicles -- which currently draw their power from a grid fueled predominantly by a combination of coal, natural gas, and oil-fired electric power plants -- to replace all of the gas-fueled vehicles currently on the road, or any of the other unicorns promised to come down this socialist rainbow.

The Yemen War Powers Resolution, which has already been passed by both chambers of Congress, would require the removal of undeclared, unauthorized United States’ support for the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen absent explicit congressional authorization.

The Export-Import Bank has operated without a quorum since July 2015. That should not change. The Export-Import Bank has been the face of cronyism, and, with a reauthorization deadline looming, conservatives and libertarians must push back against congressional attempts to reestablish a quorum and reauthorize the Bank.

The Export-Import Bank has operated without a quorum since July 2015. That should not change. The Export-Import Bank has been the face of cronyism, and, with a reauthorization deadline looming, conservatives and libertarians must push back against congressional attempts to reestablish a quorum and reauthorize the Bank.

The Export-Import Bank has operated without a quorum since July 2015. That should not change. The Export-Import Bank has been the face of cronyism, and, with a reauthorization deadline looming, conservatives and libertarians must push back against congressional attempts to reestablish a quorum and reauthorize the Bank.

The Supplemental Appropriations Act would provide for an additional $17.2 billion in emergency relief funds with no offsets, although the Disaster Relief Fund still has more than $29 billion in it. The bill would also further other big-government policies, including duplicative agriculture subsidies, National Flood Insurance Program reauthorization, and community development block grant spending. This bill, which is a modified and worsened version of another supplemental appropriations bill, H.R. 268, that passed the House in January. H.R. 2157 spends close to 50 percent more than H.R. 268 despite, again, no new funds being requested for these disasters. Because it will be brought to the floor as an emergency supplemental, the spending in it is also exempt from the Budget Control Act discretionary spending caps. Furthermore, H.R. 2157 would also ramp up agriculture subsidies that already distort the market and amount to no better than other defunct welfare programs. With $22 trillion of national debt and more being added with each passing day, we need to be spending more, not less. At the very least, we need to fully and honestly offset any new federal spending with further spending cuts.

Introduced by Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.), the Pennies Plan Balanced Budget would cut two cents for every dollar of on-budget spending beginning in FY 2020. This would balance the federal budget by FY 2024, without making any changes to Social Security. Sen. Paul’s Pennies Plan Balanced Budget would address the concerning growth of federal spending by cutting two pennies from every dollar of on-budget spending. This would reduce on-budget spending by $183.1 billion in FY 2020 and $11.3 trillion in the unified budget. Although federal spending will be reduced under this budget proposal, federal spending will still rise by 18.2 percent over the budget window. The spending levels under the budget resolution would be enforceable under a point of order requiring five-eighths of members present and voting to waive. The Pennies Plan Balanced Budget includes reconciliation instructions to the Senate Finance Committee to extend the individual income tax reforms, including the pass-through changes, under the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017. The budget resolution also includes a reserve fund for the expansion of health savings accounts. This is a crucial health insurance reform that will put people in charge of their healthcare dollars and lower overall healthcare costs.

The Lee amendment would authorize $10.18 billion for the VCF over the next ten years (through 2029), which is the amount that the Congressional Budget Office has estimated is necessary for that time period. From 2030 through 2092, the Lee amendment would authorize another $10 billion for claims. This simple appropriation of funds would prevent the bill from, as written currently, giving a government program a completely blank check from Congress.

The Paul amendment would further the fiscal responsibility in the Lee amendment by requiring that the reauthorization of the VCF does not add new debt. “Any new spending that we are approaching, any new program that's going to have the longevity of 70, 80 years, should be offset by cutting spending that's less valuable," Sen. Paul said on the Senate floor.

The so-called "Bipartisan Budget Act of 2019," which would be more appropriately named the "Generational Theft Act," will increase the discretionary spending caps by more $320 billion over two fiscal years and suspend the debt limit through July 31, 2021. According to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), discretionary spending would be $1.119 trillion in FY 2020 and $1.145 trillion in FY 2021. The Bipartisan Budget Act of 2019 would increase discretionary spending to $1.290 trillion in FY 2020 and $1.298 trillion in FY 2021. In total, this is a more than $320 billion spending increase over two fiscal years. Additionally, the Bipartisan Budget Act of 2019 also includes $156.5 billion over two fiscal years for overseas contingency operations (OCO), which is used by Congress to bypass the discretionary spending caps. Prior to this budget deal, the CBO projected that the budget deficit would be $892 billion for FY 2020 and $962 billion in FY 2021. The discretionary spending levels in the Bipartisan Budget Act of 2019 guarantee a return to $1 trillion budget deficits. Making matters worse, the Bipartisan Budget Act of 2019 suspends the debt limit through July 31, 2021, providing the Department of the Treasury with a virtual blank check to borrow, accumulating more debt that future generations will have to shoulder. This deal on the discretionary spending caps is nothing short of a surrender by Republican “leadership” in the House and Senate and Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin. Of course, we’ll be told that spending cuts will be on the agenda when Republicans get control of Congress again. Sadly, those promises never seem to come to pass. After all, Republican “leadership” and rank-and-file members don’t have any intention of governing by the limited government rhetoric on which they campaign. Instead, these Republicans vote with Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) for higher spending and more debt.

This amendment, offered Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.), would reduce spending authorized by the continuing resolution by 2 percent.

The Continuing Appropriations Act, H.R. 4378, would fund the federal government through November 21, 2019. The continued practice of governance by CR merely sets up another showdown where Congress will be pushed into enacting a massive last-second spending binge before they can go home for the holidays. It will continue spending at near-record deficit levels, while simultaneously including a host of program reauthorizations that ought to have been considered, and potentially amended, on their own. This spending continues at a level that will shortly lead us back to trillion-dollar annual deficits, while the national debt limit remains suspended through 2021, granting the federal government a blank check to tax future generations through spending money it does not possess.

Scalia is clearly a knowledgeable and highly qualified pick, having previously been appointed as the Department of Labor’s solicitor under President George W. Bush. He has since enjoyed a successful career as a lawyer on labor and employment issues. During his legal career, Scalia has been successful in pushing back against federal overreaches into workplace regulation. Such a voice at the Department of Labor will be valuable in ensuring that its mission to protect workers does not further spill over into unnecessary, job-killing red tape.

This amendment, offered Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.), would reduce the appropriations authorized under H.R. 3055 by 2 percent. H.R. 3055 included the Senate’s versions of the Commerce, Justice, and Science; Agriculture, Rural Development, and Food and Drug Administration; Interior and Environment; and Transportation and Urban Development appropriations bills for FY 2020

Introduced by Sen. Mark Warner (D-Va.), S.J.Res. 52 targets guidance issued by the Department of the Treasury and the Department of Health and Human Services that made it easier for states to get “state innovation waivers” under Section 1332 of the Affordable Care Act (ACA). The Trump administration has taken regulatory steps to provide more affordable private health insurance options through association health plans and short-term, limited-duration plans. In October 2018, the Department of the Treasury, the Department of Health and Human Services, and the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services issued guidance that further eases the process of applying for and receiving a waiver. The October 2018 guidance focuses on the coverage that is made available on the exchanges by health insurance companies rather than what consumers had purchased. States must still meet statutory requirements to be eligible for a waiver, but the guidance explains that the comprehensiveness and affordability requirement may be considered met “if access to coverage that is as affordable and comprehensive as coverage forecasted to have been available in the absence of the waiver is projected to be available to a comparable number of people under the waiver.” If an individual decides to purchase a more affordable, less comprehensive plan, the comprehensiveness and affordability requirement under Section 1332 will be met because there will be more comprehensive offerings on the exchanged that they could have opted to purchase. The guidance issued by the Department of the Treasury and the Department of Health and Human Services is not a cure-all for the issues that America’s health insurance system faces. Much more has to be done to address these issues, particularly through the legislative process. Unfortunately, congressional Democrats aren’t interested in solutions; many want more government involvement and the elimination of private health insurance.

This motion waives the Senate's "pay-as-you-go" (PAYGO) rules for H.R. 1865, allowing for a larger budget deficit.

Together, the FY 2020 spending bills, H.R. 1865 and H.R. 1158, total nearly $1.4 trillion in spending that flies far above the caps that Congress set for itself less than a decade ago meant to at least restrain spending. This has been continually ignored and voted away by members too afraid to practice the fiscal responsibility they preach and sell to voters on the campaign trail. Many of those same members will, unfortunately, vote for these packages as well. As we have now surpassed $23 trillion in national debt, there is already a mounting price to pay for Washington’s reckless fiscal “policy,” if it can be called that. The “policy” of both parties seems to be simply spending more and more without regard to the debt drag that this creates in our economy, let alone the fiscal crisis that slowly but surely will consume our country should we continue down this path.

Together, the FY 2020 spending bills, H.R. 1865 and H.R. 1158, total nearly $1.4 trillion in spending that flies far above the caps that Congress set for itself less than a decade ago meant to at least restrain spending. This has been continually ignored and voted away by members too afraid to practice the fiscal responsibility they preach and sell to voters on the campaign trail. Many of those same members will, unfortunately, vote for these packages as well. As we have now surpassed $23 trillion in national debt, there is already a mounting price to pay for Washington’s reckless fiscal “policy,” if it can be called that. The “policy” of both parties seems to be simply spending more and more without regard to the debt drag that this creates in our economy, let alone the fiscal crisis that slowly but surely will consume our country should we continue down this path.

The CREATES Act would grant relief in court for generic and biosimilar competitors seeking FDA approval. This would clear the pathway for new drugs to enter the market, drastically reducing prices through increased competition. The cost savings stemming from this legislation could reach between 15 percent and 50 percent of current prices for impacted drugs. Should Leader McConnell bring this bill to the floor, FreedomWorks will substitute the cosponsor key vote for the roll call vote. Should Leader McConnell bring this bill to the floor, FreedomWorks will substitute the cosponsor key vote for the roll call vote.

The REINS Act would require congressional approval for economically significant rules promulgated by federal regulatory agencies. Under the REINS Act, the House and Senate would have to vote on a proposed rule and the president would have to sign it before enforcement of the rule can begin. The bill would give Congress 70 days to pass a resolution to approve a rule. If a resolution is not passed, the rule cannot take effect. Should Leader McConnell bring this bill to the floor, FreedomWorks will substitute the cosponsor key vote for the roll call vote.

The Earmark Elimination Act would make permanent the temporary moratorium on congressional earmarks put into effect in 2010 by creating a point of order against any provision within a bill that matches the definition of an earmark, and when raised would be stricken absent a two-thirds majority to override. Should Leader McConnell bring this bill to the floor, FreedomWorks will substitute the cosponsor key vote for the roll call vote.

Between his time as an aviator in the United States Navy, his firsthand experience serving as the executive director of the Tulsa Air and Space Museum and Planetarium, and his work in Congress, Bridenstine is extraordinarily qualified for the role of NASA administrator. In this role at NASA, Bridenstine will have the ability to bring much-needed reform to the agency, implementing the same principles of free markets and government efficiency that he tirelessly fought for in Congress. Serving on the House Committee on Science, Space, and Technology, Bridenstine became a champion of issues pertaining to air and space exploration.

The passage of this CRA would do nothing to change the prohibition against discrimination in the Equal Credit Opportunity Act that the guidance cites. It would simply roll back the gross regulatory overreach of the CFPB in claiming for itself -- behind closed doors and a screen of smoke -- a power that Congress, in the law that created the CFPB, explicitly banned the CFPB from having. As Sen. Moran said, the CFPB “had to work its magic to find a way to regulate auto dealers.” Good governing is done through accountable and transparent processes, not magic.

S.J.Res. 52 would undo the Restoring Internet Freedom Order and reinstate the Obama administration’s Internet red tape. This will hurt tech companies, as well as consumers. Internet access is becoming vital to commerce, and many Americans still lack connectivity. In order to get service to these most vulnerable parts of the country, we need an Internet free of the meddling hand of government, so it can innovate and expand as it did for so many years before the Obama-era regulations took effect.

S.J.Res. 52 would undo the Restoring Internet Freedom Order and reinstate the Obama administration’s Internet red tape. This will hurt tech companies, as well as consumers. Internet access is becoming vital to commerce, and many Americans still lack connectivity. In order to get service to these most vulnerable parts of the country, we need an Internet free of the meddling hand of government, so it can innovate and expand as it did for so many years before the Obama-era regulations took effect.

Sen. Paul’s resolution would balance the federal budget in five years by assuming the repeal of the 2018 Bipartisan Budget Act and from there cutting total outlays by one penny for every dollar spent, continuing for the next five years. At this point, the budget would be fully balanced and spending would be allowed to grow at one percent thereafter. Doing so would reduce spending by $404.8 billion in fiscal year 2019 and by $13.35 trillion over ten years relative to the baseline under current law.

Sen. Toomey’s amendment would apply the principles of the REINS Act to CFIUS to make sure Congress has a final say on these regulations. This will mean that only regulations that try to address truly predatory behavior will pass, while those that are unnecessary and anti-market will be stopped from taking effect. This was the intent of Congress when it authorized CFIUS and it should not abandon its ability to set policy in this way. Sen. Toomey’s amendment gives Congress this oversight.

Approving this initial $15 billion rescissions request in full -- pulling back funds sitting in useless accounts that can only otherwise be used to spend more in the future -- is a task that conservatives in Congress should wholeheartedly endorse. It is one of few opportunities to exercise any semblance of fiscal discipline. It is only one small step towards actually tackling Washington’s out-of-control spending addiction, but it represents a chance to begin this fight.

The Lee Amendment ensures that if the government wishes to making any such detention, that it have clear authorization to do so. The entire text of the Lee Amendment is consistent with the Constitution and with the prior Supreme Court cases that govern this issue. This amendment is narrow in scope, and will not hinder our counterterrorism efforts. This is merely to strengthen American citizens’ constitutional protections. The motion to table would kill this important provision.

This amendment would add work requirements for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), also known as food stamps. The Senate stripped out this pro-work provision from their version of the Farm Bill. Work requirements are important for helping people rise out of welfare and becoming independent of government assistance. A vote to table the Lee-Cruz Amendment would prevent them from being added back in to the Senate text.

The motion to instruct simply states: “[M]anagers on the part of the Senate at the conference on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses on the Senate amendment to the bill H.R. 5895 be instructed to include language providing a role for Congress in making a determination under Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (19 U.S.C. 1862).” The administration has misused Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act to unilaterally impose tariffs – which are taxes – for purposes unrelated to national security. These tariffs threaten American consumers with higher prices and American businesses with retaliatory tariffs imposed by our trading partners.

This amendment, sponsored by sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) would reduce appropriations in the minibus by 11.39% across the board. This would result in cuts of $17.5 billion and would bring spending in line with the budget caps in place before passage of the Bipartisan Budget Act. Given that we are rapidly approaching a trillion dollar deficit, this is a necessary step to reining in government spending.

This amendment would prohibit funds from being used to carry out the District of Columbia’s recently-passed Health Insurance Requirement Act. The D.C. mandate states that a “taxpayer who fails to pay the District of Columbia shared responsibility payment imposed...shall be subject to all collection, enforcement, and administrative provisions applicable to unpaid taxes or fees, as provided in Chapter 18, Chapter 41, Chapter 42, Chapter 43, and Chapter 44 of this title.” When dissected fully, this includes levying and seizing property, or even imprisoning individuals for choosing not to purchase health insurance.

H.R. 6157 is more of the same profligate spending resulting from a broken budget process and members unwilling to stand up for their campaign promises of shrinking government and reducing spending. The bill appropriates $33 billion more for Defense than the FY 2018 omnibus and $16 billion more for Labor/HHS. It also includes a CR until December 7, setting up votes on a spending package during the lame-duck session that will almost certainly be packed with last-minute giveaways to special interests.

When it comes more broadly to the rampant expansion of the unconstitutional regulatory state, Judge Kavanaugh is perhaps second to none in standing up for the Constitution. According to Kavanaugh, if Congress hasn’t yet opined on a matter of deep economic significance, any regulation relating to that matter should be presumed unconstitutional. He recognizes that lawmaking, under Article I of the Constitution, was delegated to Congress, not unelected executive branch bureaucrats.

When it comes more broadly to the rampant expansion of the unconstitutional regulatory state, Judge Kavanaugh is perhaps second to none in standing up for the Constitution. According to Kavanaugh, if Congress hasn’t yet opined on a matter of deep economic significance, any regulation relating to that matter should be presumed unconstitutional. He recognizes that lawmaking, under Article I of the Constitution, was delegated to Congress, not unelected executive branch bureaucrats.

American taxpayers cannot afford to continue to use billions of dollars to prop up failing agri-businesses. The subsidies programs, as bloated and wasteful as they are now, will increase in cost by over one billion over the next ten years. This is inexcusable given our crushing national debt.

The resolution would simply reclaim Congress’ rightful and required Article I powers by mandating the removal of unauthorized U.S. armed forces from hostilities in or affecting the Republic of Yemen not later than 30 days after the adoption of the resolution, absent a declaration of war or specific authorization for engagement in such activities. In Yemen, the executive branch has very clearly gone a step too far. By providing mid-air refueling, targeting assistance, and intelligence sharing to the Saudi-led coalition in its bombing of the Houthis in Yemen, the U.S. is directly involved in the conflict. In no way connected to al-Qaeda or the Islamic State, U.S. military force against the Houthis remains unauthorized, falling outside of the scope of the 2001 and 2002 AUMFs. A power explicitly delegated to the deliberative bodies of Congress is being actively stripped from them, time and time again, even in an instance where the Department of Defense admits the unauthorized nature of the conflict. The people of the United States deserve to have their government respect the Constitution that protects our rights, and the men and women of our armed forces deserve to have their involvement in foreign conflicts vetted as statutorily and constitutionally mandated. The vote on the Yemen War Powers Resolution is a significant opportunity to affirm these basic principles.

The First Step Act would reform the federal criminal justice system to make our communities safer by reducing crime and focusing limited resources on the most dangerous offenders. By increasing access to and instituting incentives for inmate participation in recidivism reduction programming and by modestly modifying some sentencing laws, the First Step Act would provide much-needed changes to the federal criminal justice system. The bill would reform four areas of sentencing law by reforming 18 U.S.C. 924(c) stacking to clarify that enhancements for second and subsequent offenses are used only on those who are true recidivists, by tailoring 21 U.S.C. 841 to modify mandatory minimum sentence enhancements and those who they may apply to, by applying the Fair Sentencing Act of 2010 retroactively, and by expanding the existing federal safety valve for judges sentencing individuals with little to no criminal history.